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Argentina

Yearbook 2019

Argentina. Alberto Fernández from the left coalition Frente de Todos (Front for All) sworn in as new president December 10 after defeating incumbent President Mauricio Macri of the center – right coalition Cambiemos (Let's change) in the first round of October 27 elections. It did not help that Macri won in some of the most populous metropolitan regions (mainly Córdoba, Buenos Aires and Mendoza).

In the congressional elections held simultaneously, Cambiemos increased his mandate to 120 in the Chamber of Deputies while the challengers in Frente de Todos got exactly half of the seats in the Senate. However, both the government coalition and the opposition coalition have potential fragmentation trends, which led analysts to point out that legislative work in Congress can be complicated.

According to CountryAAH, Macri's success in the big cities was partly linked to the electorate's suspicions of Fernández's vice presidential candidate, former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, who in recent years has figured in several cases of suspected corruption. But Macri's defeat was mainly attributed to galloping inflation, which reached 4% per month in August. Year-on-year prices had so far risen by more than 54%. It prompted the trade union movement and the Catholic Church to organize large street protests on September 10, forcing Congress to accept a proposal by the Peronist Party to issue a national food Christian state, which increased food aid by 50%. The financial problems associated with it, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) threatening to postpone loan payments of 5.

2019 Argentina

1870-1910 Mass immigration

Foreign influence was not only expressed through investments. At the end of the 19th century, an immigration wave began, culminating in the decade from 1901 to 1910, when more than a million emigrants came to a country that in 1867 had less than one and a half million residents. Many of the immigrants hoped that in Argentina they would be able to cultivate their own land, but since the large estates had already largely divided the land between them, the hopes of most were soon crushed. Some became land workers or rented some land, but the vast majority settled in the cities and almost half settled in the Buenos Aires area. This led to a drastic change in class structure and the immigrants soon formed a clear majority in the growing working class and an even greater share in urban service industries. Among the emigrants, the first sprouts for labor organization grew - among other things. under the influence of anarcho-syndicalism that many of them had been involved in before leaving Europe.

Another political movement that grew strongly in the early 20th century was the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR, the bourgeois radical union). The party was in opposition to the major property owners and was dominated by bourgeois groups such as traders and intermediaries who expanded financially without correspondingly strengthening their political position. Following an expansion of the right to vote, UCR gained alliance with parts of the working class government in 1916 and its leader Hipólito Yrigoyen became president. Continued industrialization during World War I created new divisions and conflicts in society, culminating in "the tragic week" in 1919, when soldiers fired striking workers with machine guns, and ultra-right-wing government-directed commands attacked the Jewish quarter in search for «Bolsheviks».

1930-46 The citizenship is back in power

The 1929 world crisis revealed the weaknesses of the agro-export structure. In 1930, the bourgeoisie conducted a military coup that brought the Yrigoyen government to a fall. During its reign, UCR had not significantly changed the economic structures of the country, and it also proved useless for emerging industrial citizenship. After the military coup, the major cargo owners and export interests again had the political power. Ironically, it was this alliance that also constituted the driving force of the relatively extensive industrialization that occurred before and partly during the Second World War. They were the only groups that had accumulated capital that could be put into this business when the world crisis around 1930 led them to no longer be able to import goods they had previously received from abroad. However, these groups were not particularly interested in industrial production for an expanded national market. After the war, they would revert to the old pattern of foreign trade, and they opposed all measures that could make this more difficult. For example. protection measures to build an industry for the domestic market.

However, during the industrial growth of the 1930's, capital was also accumulated among groups that were in a more independent relationship with export interests. In these groups we find the basis for a national citizenship that wanted more independent industrial development in Argentina - aimed at the domestic market. They wanted protection from foreign competition, and therefore came in a clear contradiction to the prevailing land ownership and trade interests. Industrialization also led to strong growth in the industrial proletariat, which was relatively well organized early on. By 1939, about 30% (about 440,000) of industrial workers were organized. A figure that must be said to be high when considering the difficulties faced by the trade union movement in the pre-war period. They had to fight against a massive alliance of large landlords, big-industry citizenship and the military. Only towards the end of the period did the development of contradictions in the industrial bourgeoisie reach as far as a new one class alliance was possible. The 1930's were a period of great capital accumulation and very uneven distribution. At the same time, a large influx of workers from inland led to widespread unemployment and made the workers' struggle for better conditions difficult. In 1939, real wages for workers were lower than 10 years earlier, and a series of strikes only led to defeat.

 

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